HTML Mencken (What a great name!) at Sadly, No! has a great post up comparing Herbert Hoover and Jonah Goldberg. As nobody has bothered to send me a review copy of Liberal Fascism yet, I’m not going in the Goldberg direction here, but I find Mencken’s excerpt of William Appleman Williams discussing Herbert Hoover absolutely fascinating:
…Hoover was not a revolutionary. He was not even a modern liberal. And he does not deserve uncritical acclaim. But he was an unusually intelligent, and often perceptive, conservative who understood that the system was a system; that it was based on certain clear and not wholly absurd axioms, and that it would work only if the people acted in ways that honored those principles.
“I want to live in a community that governs itself,” Hoover explained very simply, “that neither wishes its responsibilities onto a centralized bureaucracy nor allows a centralized bureaucracy to dictate to that local government.” “It is not the function of government,” he continued, “to relieve individuals of their responsibilities to the public.” “You cannot extend the mastery of the government over the daily working life of the people,” he warned, “without at the same time making it the master of the people’s souls and thoughts.”
If you are Hoover, that is to say, then your moral imperative demands that you let the system come apart at the seams rather than violate the principles by saving the system for the people. One of your principles is that the system is their system, and hence the moment you save it for them you kill the dream. For when you do that you rule the people instead of serving the people.
Like Mencken, I have a strange fondness for Herbert Hoover, but I think it’s for the exact opposite reason that Williams did. I don’t like Herbert Hoover because he stuck to his principles, but because he didn’t.
Maybe some time around late-1930, Hoover woke up to the fact that the Depression was serious business and rather than stick to his guns, Hoover went crazy, at least compared to the laissez-faire Republicans of that era. If I were in my office now, I’d crack open some books, but since I’m not, I’ll just rely on this article from Prologue, the magazine of the National Archives:
Refusing to accept the “natural” economic cycle in which a market crash was followed by cuts in business investment, production, and wages, Hoover summoned industrialists to the White House on November 21, part of a round-robin of conferences with business, labor, and farm leaders, and secured a promise to hold the line on wages. Henry Ford even agreed to increase workers’ daily pay from six to seven dollars. From the nation’s utilities, Hoover won commitments of $1.8 billion in new construction and repairs for 1930. Railroad executives made a similar pledge. Organized labor agreed to withdraw its latest wage demands.
The President ordered federal departments to speed up construction projects. He contacted all forty-eight state governors to make a similar appeal for expanded public works. He went to Congress with a $160 million tax cut, coupled with a doubling of resources for public buildings and dams, highways, and harbors. Looking back at the year, the New York Times judged Commander Richard Byrd’s expedition to the South Pole—not the Wall Street crash—the biggest news story of 1929. Praise for the President’s action was widespread. “No one in his place could have done more,” concluded the Times in the spring of 1930, by which time the Little Bull Market had restored a measure of confidence on Wall Street. “Very few of his predecessors could have done as much.”
After that, you could mention the Reconstruction Finance Board and the President’s Organization for Unemployment Relief as other Hoover efforts that hardly fit the conservative laissez-faire agenda of that time. Granted, Hoover’s efforts to fight the Depression were woefully inadequate to the task and they pale in comparison to Roosevelt’s efforts right afterwards. Nevertheless, he changed course when changing course became a necessity.
I read Mencken’s post as being about how a real conservative can recognize fascism when they see it, rather than just me-too it no matter how un-conservative it happens to be. But rather than compare Hoover to conservative bobbleheads like Goldberg, I want to briefly compare Hoover to Bush. In good economic, what did Bush want to do? Cut taxes. With economic catastrophe looming, what does Bush want to do? Cut taxes. The last war you started isn’t going well? What’s the solution? Start a new one with Iran.
The man is not just totally inflexible, he’s utterly incapable of learning from his mistakes. Hoover tried to do the right thing – albeit badly, but at least he tried. If we had had a President like that over the last seven years, maybe things would be a little better in America right now. Not much, but at least a little better.
PS to Mencken: Williams is not forgotten by me. In graduate school at Wisconsin, he was the only diplomatic historian I could stand reading. Luckily, his student Tom McCormick had just retired so I knew we weren’t going to get any foreign policy questions, but I figured I ought to read it since Williams was on our home team (so to speak).
I love Williams. I just think he was wrong about Hoover.
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